The Bangladesh Interim Government (BIG) led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus has been a topic of discussion and debate in the political landscape of Bangladesh. With several political parties, including the BNP, demanding that the 13th parliamentary elections be held as soon as possible, preferably within three months, the issue of how long the BIG can stay in office has come to the forefront.
Government tenure is not just a political issue but must also be examined from a constitutional perspective. The Constitution determines the terms and conditions of political appointments, and in the case of the BIG, which was formed through a revolution, these terms and conditions are particularly critical. The success of the revolution’s mission and vision depends heavily on the public perception of the BIG’s role and functions.
Bangladesh operates under a parliamentary system of democracy, where general elections are conducted every five years to determine the political leadership of the government. The 12th parliament was sworn in on January 9, 2024, meaning that the 13th parliamentary elections must be held within three months of this date in 2029.
The formation of the current interim government has raised questions about its constitutional legitimacy, as there is no provision in the Constitution for such a government. This has led to confusion and controversy regarding the BIG’s tenure. It is important to distinguish between an ordinary interim government and the current Interim Government, as the latter is a unique legal and political phenomenon.
The Constitution’s Preamble plays a crucial role in understanding the democratic nature of the Constitution and the sovereign power vested in the people of Bangladesh. The people exercised their citizenship rights by electing a government in January 7, only to force its resignation six months later and appoint an interim government through a revolution. This raises the question of whether the BIG is constitutionally legitimate and entitled to the same tenurial status as an elected government.
The intellectual issue facing the nation lies in understanding the nature of the July Revolution led by the student community. If the revolution was voluntary and supported by the masses, then the BIG can be considered constitutionally legitimate. In that case, it would have the powers and privileges of an elected government and be constitutionally constrained to arrange the 13th parliamentary elections within a specific timeframe.
In conclusion, the BIG’s tenure and constitutional legitimacy are complex issues that require careful consideration and understanding of the democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution. The public perception of the BIG’s role and functions will ultimately determine its longevity in office and its ability to fulfill the mission and vision of the revolution.
